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SUBJECT: MEDIA REACTION: JAPAN, CLIMATE, MIDEAST, GERMANY 
 
¶1.   Lead Stories Summary 
¶2.   (Japan)   Outcome of Parliamentary Elections 
¶3.   (UN)   Climate Conference 
¶4.   (Mideast)   Peace Process 
¶5.   (Germany)   Outcome of State Parliament Elections 
 
 
¶1.   Lead Stories Summary 
 
There is only one item that dominates all the print media: the 
outcome of the state parliament elections in Thuringia, Saxony, and 
the Saarland.  Editorials also focused on the outcome of the state 
parliament elections and on the results of the parliamentary 
elections in Japan.  ZDF-TV's early evening newscast heute and 
ARD-TV's early evening newscast Tagesschau also centered on the 
elections in Thuringia, the Saarland, and Saxony. 
 
¶2.   (Japan)   Outcome of Parliamentary Elections 
 
According to an editorial in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, "it is 
likely that changes will happen in Japan's foreign policy.  Even 
though the DJP has a majority in the Lower House, Hatoyama plans to 
form a coalition government.  One of the possible partners is the 
Social Democratic Party which is very traditional.  It rejects 
sending Japanese soldiers abroad.  The DJP, in turn, is much more 
pragmatic, but differences of opinion will not prevent the formation 
of a new coalition government.  But they could deteriorate relations 
with the United States and other allies, to the detriment of Japan 
and its allies.  But this is something no one wants in Japan right 
now.  The people just hope that the situation will improve. 
Disappointments are likely but it cannot be expected that the 
longing for a return of the LDP will erupt." 
 
Under the headline: "Revenge of the Japanese Voter," Sueddeutsche 
Zeitung argued: "Former Prime Minister Taro Aso is probably the last 
face of the LDF before it will enter the history books.  In the past 
eleven months, he hardly had a chance to turn around the wheel.  On 
the other hand, the party with Aso at the helm showed its true face: 
it was arrogant, self righteous, snotty and demonstrated a 
deeply-rooted disrespect for the ordinary people.  Aso's derogatory 
remarks over pensioners, women, minorities and low-incomers alone 
would be a justification for the voters' slap in the party's face." 
 
Financial Times Deutschland headlined: "Democratic Revolution" and 
editorialized: "Only before was the allegation correct that a party 
was on the road to collapse as in Japan.  That is why it is all the 
more important that the voters in Japan have now voted for a 
historic change.  The opposition Democratic Party has now ended this 
de facto one-party rule.  This revolution offers Japan a chance in 
several respects.  DJP front runner Yukio Hatoyama has a good 
initial position to become a strong prime minister.  The change of 
power also offers the Japanese economy a great chance.  With its 
sharp collapse in the global economic crisis, it has become clear 
how dangerous Japan's dependency on exports has become. But in 
contrast to politicians in Germany, Hatoyama has learned his lesson 
from the crisis.  He is determined to reprocess the country's 
business model and to correct Japan's dependency on exports." 
 
Tagesspiegel wondered: "Will Yukio Hatoyama bring about change which 
he promised?  No, certainly not.  The Japanese only know two states: 
radical total reforms in all spheres of life or a tough sticking to 
traditions. Currently, the latter dominates in the country.  An 
aging and discouraged society prefers to return to the glittering 
1980s, when Japanese companies were about to buy the United States. 
But despite his nice phrases of change and new paths, the Japanese 
did not elect him to depart for a new future.  They still want to 
seal off their country against immigration, do not want to improve 
relations with their neighbors, and do not want to offer their armed 
forces for international missions.  They also do not dare reduce the 
state's record indebtedness.  Instead, Hatoyama is promising the 
impossible: a higher minimum wage, higher children allowances, free 
autobahns, and reduced pensioner contributions to the healthcare 
system.  In the long run, he will ruin the state's budget with such 
a policy.  Hatoyama knows this, and he is risking the disappointment 
of his voters; but first of all he wants to be elected." 
 
Frankfurter Rundschau had this to say: "The new government will now 
face the same problems as former Premier Koizumi.  It is 
inexperienced with respect to governing, let alone regarding 
implementing reforms.  And the old boys' network within the LDP is 
still active.  Even though it no longer has the say in the Diet, the 
power center still lies within the LDP.  But, nevertheless, Hatoyama 
still has one great advantage over Koizumi: a true democratic 
mandate.  Time will tell what the value of this mandate in Japan 
will be." 
 
¶3.   (UN)   Climate Conference 
 
Die Welt carried a lengthy editorial on the attempts to reach a 
post-Kyoto agreement, wondering whether "the climate protection 
goals have failed already before the Copenhagen summit?"   The 
commentary notes: "The Danish government cancelled 20,000 room 
reservations for the climate summit in Copenhagen....  If you needed 
any more evidence that the preparations are stuck in a crisis, this 
is it....  There will be no agreement that comes anywhere close to 
the high expectations concerning the reduction of carbon dioxide, 
which had been built up since the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate 
Change (IPCC) shocked the world in 2007....  The emerging countries 
will not make obligations on reducing carbon dioxide.  Given that 
they will soon be the greatest emitters, the burden to which Europe 
will commit its shaken industries and consumers will be 
insignificant.  Neither does America go down the same path; the new 
unpromising climate protection law has not been enforced yet.  In 
addition, Russia, Canada and Australia are skeptical about drastic 
reduction goals, and the disagreements within Europe are becoming 
increasingly clear.   Eastern Europe is increasingly skeptical, 
warning against the loss of jobs.  It is an illusion that the summit 
will agree on payments worth hundreds of billions, which emerging 
countries could get from industrialized countries to encourage their 
green policies.  Even when the economic crisis is over, the high 
deficits will remain." 
 
¶4.   (Mideast)   Peace Process 
 
Die Welt (8/29) commented: "Even if all Israeli settlements in the 
West Bank were gone tomorrow, there would be no peace in the in the 
Mideast.  Netanyahu has rightly pointed this out to his 
interlocutors in London and Berlin.    The topic of the settlements 
is not the only obstacle on the path to peace.  The Israeli 
government is therefore annoyed, arguing... that only if the 
Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish state, would there be a 
chance for peace." 
 
¶5.   (Germany)   Outcome of State Parliament Elections 
 
Sueddeutsche Zeitung judged: "This dress rehearsal was not rapturous 
but a nice success for the SPD, which primarily consists of the 
sharp decline of the CDU's support in the Saarland and in Thuringia. 
 But the SPD is beginning to sing drinking songs when the members 
only got mineral water.  A success will thus turn into a great 
victory and a downward trend, which has just come to an end, will 
turn into a turnabout for the SPD.  We do not grudge the SPD this. 
The party will now have to show whether it is able to take advantage 
of this favorable moment and take advantage of it in coalition 
talks, i.e. that the party does not forfeit its fortune in such a 
miserable way as it did in Hesse." 
 
In the view of Financial Times Deutschland, "this triple election 
does not change the situation before the Bundestag election because 
the SPD, despite the heavy CDU losses, cannot claim that the 
situation has changed in its favor.  In Saxony, it achieved a 
similarly miserable result as in 2004.  In Thuringia, it clearly 
trails behind the Left Party and it would be absurd if it demanded 
the portfolio of minister president.  It is true that a coalition 
with the Left Party and the Greens under the leadership of the SPD 
could happen, but in view of the fact that the SPD rules out such a 
coalition at the federal level, it cannot deviate from the party 
line.  The only insight is that, instead of a coalition between the 
FDP and the CDU at the federal level, there can be a continuation of 
the grand coalition.  But this was already known before." 
 
Regional daily Nordsee-Zeitung of Oldenburg judged: "Chancellor 
Merkel is in a dilemma.  If she now begins to attack the FDP and 
unmasks the liberals, the CDU/CSU would gain votes but, in the end, 
she would not get enough votes for a coalition between the CDU and 
the FDP.  At the same time, the CDU seems to be unable to attract 
votes from the SPD, for its values can be described as only the 
dregs.  If Merkel is not blinded by personal opinion ratings, she 
should also see at the horizon something that frightens many, but 
has become more likely since yesterday: a smaller grand coalition, 
second attempt." 
 
M|nchener Abendzeitung argued: "This [result] will have 
consequences: The coming Bundestag elections will enter the history 
books as an election that will not be decided in the center.  It 
will be decided in the political struggle between two camps: the 
right-wing camp made up of the CDU and the FDP and the left-wing 
camp made up of the SPD, the Left Party, and the Greens.  Parts of 
the CSU have already realized this, but the Chancellor is turning a 
blind eye to this. And what about the SPD?  It would prefer to win 
the Bundestag election without showing a clear position.  It is 
unable to score points even if it has a clear position.  Its hopes 
rest - and this is a bitter fact for the SPD members - on Left Party 
Chairman Oskar Lafontaine." 
 
Hannoversche Allgemeine Zeitung noted: "Many people are now 
wondering what use will the Chancellor's great popular support be if 
it does not find its expression in corresponding votes for her 
party?  Merkel will certainly also be asked whether her election 
campaign style, which consists primarily of not making this look 
like an election campaign, is really the best approach.  Some in the 
CDU/CSU are already calling for attacks on the SPD, the Left Party, 
and the Greens, and think that this is the ideal strategy for the 
coming four weeks before the Bundestag elections.  The more 
thoughtful members recommend leaving the debate over the Left Party 
to SPD frontrunner Steinmeier.  It is true that Steinmeier and SPD 
chairman M|ntefering must still explain why their supporters in the 
Ldnder are delighted that they have the chance to decide on future 
coalitions on their own, while such coalitions [with the Left Party] 
are out of the question on the federal level." 
 
 
MURPHY